Relevance: mains: G.S paper I: Salient features of Indian Society
Devadasis live a life of discrimination on the periphery of village society in north Karnataka. A new report and model legislation prepared by the NLSIU advocate policy changes to address the problem and stop the practice.
Ban on practice
The Karnataka government banned the practice of dedicating devadasis in 1982 when it passed the Karnataka Devadasis (Prohibition of Dedication) Act (KDPDA), which was amended in 2010.
A government survey done in 2007-08 counted 46,660 devadasis in 14 districts of northern Karnataka—Belagavi, Vijayapura, Raichur, Koppal, Dharwad, Haveri, Gadag, Kalaburagi, Ballari, Chitradurga, Shivamogga, Davangere, Yadgir and Bagalkot.
There has since been a decline in the practice of consecrating devadasis, but it still happens surreptitiously. It is only when someone like Kantamma and her family speak out that the word spreads. Padiyamma, who lives in Kyadiguppa village in Kushtagi taluk, said that she was aware of the presence of some 20 devadasis in surrounding villages over the past two decades.
Historical practice
The practice of designating women as devadasis finds sanction in ancient religious tradition and the caste system, although its nature has changed significantly.
In ancient and medieval India, devadasis lived in and around major temples and were patronised by the elite for a variety of reasons. While they carried forward traditions of music and dance, they were also highly sought after prostitutes because of their association with the temple.
Large temples would have hundreds of devadasis. Some scholars have argued that the devadasis carved a relatively powerful space for themselves in these patriarchal societies. The practice was found in different parts of India, although it was more widespread in southern India.
During the colonial era, the devadasi system changed slightly.
Priyadarshini Vijaisri writes: “The functional sphere of the sacred prostitutes constituted an alternative sphere of activity. Being embodiments of auspiciousness, the prostitutes performed ritual duties during private domestic ceremonies and on festive occasions. A Matangi’s main function, for example, was to preside over purificatory ceremonies (although many Matangis also doubled as spirit mediums, which gave them great authority within the community).
On the other hand the functions of the temple prostitutes—i.e. the Sani/Sule—were more diversified and hierarchised, ranging from cleaning to highly specialised ritualistic services, whereas the outcaste sacred prostitutes—the Jogati/Jogini/Basavi, who were usually not associated with any temple except at the nucleus of regional tradition, the Yellamma temple, where they maintained their affiliation by regularly visiting it on festive occasions—borrowed ritual aspects from both the Matangi and the Sule/Sani. Depending on what was required, Joginis were ready to undergo spirit possession, act as ritual specialists on festive occasions, and dance in religious and funeral processions” (“Contending identities: Sacred prostitution and reform in colonial South India”, South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies, 28:3 [2005].)
It was also during the colonial period that Indian religious and social reformers and activists working in the realm of caste eradication and women’s education first tried to alleviate the plight of devadasi women.
In 1934, the Bombay Devadasi Protection Act was passed in Bombay Presidency. While the nature and form of the institution has changed significantly over the centuries, the practice thrived well into the post-Independence era in Karnataka, Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra.
Structure of devadasi system
To understand how the practice has changed after Independence in Karnataka, this correspondent conversed with around 30 devadasis in Chikkodi (in Belagavi district) and Kushtagi taluks who are now in their forties, fifties and sixties.
They became devadasis in the period from the 1960s to the 1980s. Their responses show that diverse superstitious beliefs got young girls trapped into life as devadasis.
Almost all of them were made devadasis when they were children, sometimes so young that they were unable to even recall the event. Officially, there are 588 devadasis in Chikkodi taluk while Kushtagi taluk has 671.
Majority are Madigas
The majority of the devadasis belonged to the Madiga Scheduled Caste community, while a few were members of the Holeya caste. (The “untouchable” Scheduled Castes in Karnataka are divided into two main agglomerations—the Holeya (right hand) and the Madiga (left hand); the Madigas are relatively more underprivileged.) A handful of the devadasis own small patches of land, while the rest work as agricultural labourers to make ends meet.
The initiation rites usually take place on an auspicious day such as Bharat Hunnime (the full moon day in the month of Margashira), when the child/young woman is taken to a temple in the region; in Chikkodi it is the Yellamma temple at Saundatti. Kantamma was forcefully taken to the Huligemma Devi temple in Kushtagi taluk.
A devadasi can be recognised by the string of alternating red and white beads she wears around her neck signifying that she is now married to the goddess. This ceremony of tying these beads is called “muttu” and the tying of this string is the most important part of the initiation ceremony, which is usually done by priests or jogappas (transexual followers of Yellamma). Devadasis also have a tattoo that accompanies their initiation and marks them out.
The newly initiated devadasis continue to live with their families, though some move out when they are older. Contrary to the perception that devadasis are sex workers, many of the devadasis were in strong monogamous relationships with patrons who take care of them.
Children of devadasis
All the devadasis have children with their patrons, who rarely acknowledge them openly though the entire village is usually into the secret. Such children usually have only their mother’s name in official identification cards and school records.
Pradeep Ramavath, Assistant Professor at the Centre for the Study of Social Exclusion and Inclusive Policy (CSSEIP) at the National Law School of India University (NLSIU), Bengaluru, said: “What we are seeing now is that the dominant castes in a village are forcing a woman to become a devadasi after ‘using’ her. Once a woman becomes a devadasi, she cannot marry, which makes it easier for these men to continue visiting her.”
While there have been efforts made by the State government to rehabilitate devadasis in order to prevent the perpetuation of the practice, devadasis and researchers say that these are insufficient and the few benefits that government institutions offer do not reach a lot of devadasis as there is little awareness.
The benefits include subsidised loans and a small pension of Rs.1,500 for devadasis who are 45 and older. There has been a significant amount of research done on the historical and sociological aspects of the devadasi system with the intention to bring in changes at the policy level.
Dissatisfied with the methodology of the research techniques, Ramavath and R.V. Chandrashekar Ramenahalli, who is also an Assistant Professor at CSSEIP, NLSIU, set out to identify and train nine “devadasi children” in research methods so that they themselves could write a report on the condition of the devadasis and their children.
Resurvey required
According to an exhaustive report prepared by the “devadasi children”, devadasis are discriminated against and looked down upon, especially since they do not have husbands. Many devadasis were disappointed with the government policy regarding their welfare and rehabilitation, which they feel is insufficient.
Devadasi respondents, who constitute the lowest strata of village society in many north Karnataka villages, felt that they needed to be allotted some agricultural land so that they could lead independent lives. The plight of their children was also a source of constant anxiety. The respondents said their children faced discrimination in schools and in society.
Many devadasis who spoke to this correspondent also complained that a resurvey of the number of devadasis needed to be done immediately as the earlier survey was not accurate.
Chandrashekar Ramenahalli said: “According to our estimate based on field surveys, there must be approximately 2,00,000 devadasis all over the State. A resurvey is important to ascertain the number of devadasis correctly.”
Model draft legislation
Researchers at NLSIU have prepared a draft legislation which takes into account the findings of the report and is aimed at eradication of the practice and amelioration of the pathetic situation of devadasis and their children. There is a need for a new Act as the 1982 Act has failed in eradicating the practice.
The model legislation, tentatively titled “The Karnataka Devadasi (Prevention, Prohibition, Relief, and Rehabilitation) Bill, 2018”, prescribes strict punishment for the “promoters” (the men who coerce a woman to become a devadasi). It also proposes the establishment of a State Committee for Vigilance and Implementation, which will have the powers of a civil court, and the appointment of a Devadasi Prohibition and Rehabilitation Officer in every taluk. It proposes compulsory land disbursement to devadasis.
There is a clause that gives the child of a devadasi the right to identify his father and claim a share in his property.
Hope for future
Attitudes are slowly changing, which suggests there is hope for the future. Ten devadasis of Jodakurali village of Chikkodi taluk in Belagavi district, frustrated after their pleas for small patches of land from the district administration were constantly ignored, went ahead and “acquired” a plot of fallow government land on the outskirts of their village measuring 18 acres.
Pooling their resources, this informal devadasi collective has sown several crops including sunflower, pigeon pea (toor dal), groundnut and maize.
Laws prohibiting its practice:
The practice of Devadasi system in any form is in total contravention of the provisions of Section 370 and 370A as amended through Criminal Law (Amendment) Act, 2013 as well as Section 372 of Indian Penal Code. It is also against Immoral Traffic (Prevention) Act.
Need of the hour:
- Enhance livelihood sources for weaker sections of society.
- More inclusive socio-economic development.
- A legislative overhaul and a more pro-active role from State agencies.