Caste in Modern Indian Profession

Caste can be defined as a hereditary, endogamous group characterized by a shared name, traditional occupation, culture, and a relatively rigid social mobility. It represents a distinct status within a single homogeneous community. The term originates from the Spanish and Portuguese word “casta,” meaning “lineage,” “race,” or “a group with hereditary qualities.”

The Indian caste system is regarded as a closed system of stratification, meaning that an individual’s social status is determined by the caste into which they are born. This system classifies people into four hierarchically ranked occupational groups, known as varnas, which also influence access to wealth. At the top of the varnas are the Brahmins, typically priests and scholars. They are followed by the Kshatriyas, who are political rulers and soldiers. Next are the Vaishyas, or merchants, and the fourth varna consists of the Shudras, who are generally laborers, peasants, artisans, and servants. Beyond the varna system, there are social groups considered to be untouchables. Each varna encompasses several castes and sub-castes within it.

The caste system in India experienced many changes because of several socioreligious and protest movements from the latter half of the nineteenth century to the post-Independence period. These movements brought about changes in the peoples’ outlook towards a caste-ridden society.

In the post-independent period, the urbanization, industrialization, spread of education, socio-religious reforms, ‘westernisation’ , ‘spatial mobility’ , ‘growth of market economy’ etc and implementation of constitutional provisions such as Fundamental Rights (Articles 14, 15, 16, 17) and Directive Principles of State Policy also contributed to transformation of the caste system. Specially, education made people liberal, broadminded, rational and democratic.

These factors led to considerable relaxation of rules related to the caste system. This consequently facilitated closer contact and collaboration between different castes. Caste no longer restricts the individual freedom, does not determine the occupational career of an individual. Inter-caste social relations have increased in the contemporary period.

Though modernization, globalisation and urbanisation has reduced the barrier of caste and bring equality.But still there is continuity of caste system along with this modernization.

More interstingly, caste has assumed a new form in modern times and this can be seen in increasing caste influence in modern Indian profession.

Caste and profession

The liberalization of the Indian economy in the early 1990s introduced a range of new, high-wage service-sector jobs, particularly in the growing IT industry. These “modern” occupations, often deeply integrated into global capital networks, were portrayed as truly egalitarian, offering opportunities to anyone who worked hard and possessed the necessary qualifications.

However, the underlying logic of caste remained integral to the very notion of “modernity,” with “upper-caste” norms subtly shaping how these institutions operated. Several studies have shown how the market economy’s structures disadvantage marginalized castes, effectively “blocking” their social mobility. In entrepreneurship, for instance, caste networks play a critical role in facilitating growth, particularly in capital-raising. Even access to these professions is heavily regulated along caste lines.

The prevailing narrative among Brahmins and other upper castes suggests that the new economy, along with “modern” public spaces, are free from caste biases, as evidenced by their relatively effortless entry into these sectors. This perspective leaves upper-caste dominance unchallenged, often justified by the belief that these individuals are “naturally” suited for such work. However, a growing body of literature challenges this claim by highlighting how caste hierarchies are perpetuated in elite spaces within mainstream media, higher education, and academia.

The unique political landscape of Tamil Nadu, where Chennai is located, plays a significant role in shaping caste representation in higher education and employment. As Vijaybaskar and Kalaiyarasan have noted, the state’s approach to social justice has been deeply rooted in broadening access to opportunities in the modern economy, public administration, and the public sphere. While caste-based reservations for Other Backward Castes (OBCs) in colleges and universities were introduced in most parts of India in 2006, Tamil Nadu has upheld OBC reservations since 1951. Currently, up to 69 percent of seats in state government or government-aided engineering and arts and science colleges are reserved based on caste.

The removal of the Tamil Nadu Professional Courses Entrance Examination (TNPCEE) in 2006 further reduced barriers for students from disadvantaged communities seeking admission to engineering colleges. Additionally, as the industry continues to expand and diversify, companies are increasingly hiring employees from less privileged caste groups, although this trend is more pronounced at entry-level positions, with management roles still predominantly occupied by caste elites. These factors necessitate a more nuanced understanding of caste dynamics in the IT sector.

proclamation of castelessness cannot be equated with the absence of caste

The Indian IT industry expresses a commitment to achieving “diversity and inclusion” in the workplace, while simultaneously upholding the principle of “merit.” A report by NASSCOM, for instance, cautions companies that they may soon need to address the challenge of “managing perceptions of dilution in merit” [emphasis in original]. The report further states that going forward, communication strategies will need to demonstrate companies’ dedication to a merit-based culture while maintaining their focus on diversity and inclusion. Essentially, the industry supports diversity initiatives but stresses the importance of preserving a “meritorious” work environment.

Critics, however, have long argued that the concept of “merit” has casteist underpinnings. Periyar E.V. Ramasamy, the founder of the Dravidian movement, contended that merit is “an invention of the Brahmins” designed to sustain their dominance in areas of influence and power.

Considering the emphasis on “merit” within upper-caste perspectives, it’s unsurprising that recruiting employees from diverse caste backgrounds is given relatively little importance in Diversity & Inclusion (D&I) policies. This is further compounded by the low priority foreign clients place on caste equality, for whom these diversity efforts are partially performed. When the topic of caste was raised with industry executives, it often elicited a range of emotional responses, including nervousness, discomfort, and even irritation.

‘upper-casteness’ is pronounced explicitly, such as in 2017, when the then Infosys CEO, Vishal Sikka, proudly called himself a ‘Kshatriya warrior’. In addition, more coded forms of caste dominance in the industry, observed in food practices, dialects, names, and through a variety of other markers, reveal how caste is merely ‘transcod[ed]’ onto other practices, rendering it ‘caste by other means’.

Thus,there is continiuity of castesim even in the modern realm of profession.It is pertinent to address this issue of growing castesim in profession in order to promote equality.

The End of the Blog : Caste in Modern Indian Profession